The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most powerful occupants of the vice-presidency in American history. While many second-in-commands had to settle for minor or symbolic positions, Cheney held huge sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and stated the connection was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was courteous, invariably addressing him in official appearances as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush challenged even portrayals of their relationship as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the downing of any non-communicating airplanes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the attacks transformed him, leading him to become focused on retaliation. Together with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the waterboarding of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on faulty intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the proper decision to do back then. I had faith at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he later wrote "obvious failure, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a document setting out circumstances in which US concerns might be compromised (featuring "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office generally inclined on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been fired by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a scheme to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous supporting striking Iraq, repeatedly referencing information documents that were both weak or entirely deceptive. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels assigned to him by critics such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly leave his domain? This represents a nice way to work, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but good contacts in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US contracts worth billions.
It made him rich. His annual income during his time at the company increased from his quarter-million dollars while military head to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at over $20m|twenty
